Muhammad Salih was born In 1949 in
Kharazam Province of western Uzbekistan. After finishing high
school In his home province in 1966, he moved to Tashkent and
began preparations to enter the Tashkent Art Institute. He was
not able to gain admittance to the institute, and in 1968 he was
drafted Into the Soviet army. He was sent to Czechslovakia with
the Soviet Invasion forces, was stationed in Bratislava for 3
months and after that, was sent to Hungary. In 1970 he was discharged
from the army and returned to Tashkent.
in the same year, 1970, Salih was
accepted as a student at the Journalism Faculty of Tashkent State
University. During his years as a studel'it, Salih began writing
poetry and doing translations of foreign literary works. He spent
a great deal of time studying the existentialist writers Sartre,
Camus, and Kafka, and selected "Modern French Poetry"
as the topic of his graduation thesis. Salih translated some
of these works into the Uzbek Turkic language. At the same time
he translated the Turkic literary works of Dede Korkut and Yunus
Emre into Uzbek and showed that they were a part of the Uzbek
Turkic culture.
1977 was a turning point In Muhammad
Salih's life. His first published book of poetry met with great
public response, This volume marked the beginning of a new genre
of Uzbek poetry known as "the metaphorlstic school."
In a very short time the book was translated Into Russian, Ukranian,
Latvian, Estonian, and various Turkic languages.
In 1977 Muhammad Salih went to Moscow,
where he studied for two years at the High Literary Institute.
By 1985 he had published five volumes of poetry and translated
three books.
In 1985, Muhammad Sallh and his associates
wrote a letter to Gorbachev to protest practices of the Uzbekistan
government that undermined national cultural values. The response
to this letter was the banning of the works of the 53 young writers
and poets who had signed the letter. So, as Muhammad Salih has
often stated, during the glasnost period many creative
workers who considered themselves apolitical were drawn Into politics
against their own will. Sailh describes this period In his own
words:
"Politics demands fame and advertisement,
It is selfish. In contrast, poetry requires reflection and love
of humanity.... Nevertheless we entered politics, because In every
people's history there are periods where it is necessary to
abandon personal goals for the sake
of the people's freedom. After 1985 We entered such a period.
Until the collapse of the Soviet Union In 1 991 we struggled
for Uzbekistan's independence, and after this we struggled for
the establishment of democracy In Uzbekistan."
In May, 1988, Muhammad Salih was
elected Secretary of the Uzbekistan Writers' Union. The Writers'
Union thus became the center of the nonofficial opposition to
the communist regime, Muhammad Salih and the Writers'Union worked
to awaken the country to the Issues of making Uzbek the state
language, the environmental catastrophes wrought by the communist
regime, and the cotton monoculture under which the country suffered.
In October, 1988, the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan offered membership to Muhammad
Salih. He turned down this offer, and subsequently the regime
began a campaign to discredit him In the press. However, this
campaign resulted In the opposite of what the Communist Party
had Intended. The Uzbek people and the intellectuals united around
Muhammad Sailh and gave him support. This gave Muhammad Salih
and his associates the opportunity to form the "Birlik"
(Unity) Peoples Movement in 1989. Birlik was the first movement
of Its kind since the beginnings of communist rule In Uzbekistan,
and the first nonofficial political organization of the Central
Asian republics. In 1989-90, the Uzbekistan regime was forced
to pass many liberal reforms due to the influence of the Birlik
movement. In the parliamentary elections held during this time,
Muhammad Salih ran as a candidate from the professors' district
of Tashkent city, He recieved 89 per cent of the vote and became
a Peoples Deputy.
The rapid growth of the Birlik Popular
Movement into a mass organization gave rise to some serious problems.
Birlik began to lose its appeal to the intellectuals, turning
Instead more and more into an organization that sought street
confrontations with the authorities. Muhammad Selih expressed
his concerns about the danger of this trend at a general assembly
in 1990, but radicals in the organization accused him of conservatism.
As a result Muhammad Salih left the Blrlik movement and founded
the "Erk" (Freedom) Democratic Party. The principle
aim of the Erk Democratic Party was for Uzbekistan to secede from
the Soviet Union and establish a democratic regime. The party
prepared a "Declaration of Independence" for Uzbekistan
and Muhammad Salih presented this declaration in the parliament.
After two days of debate in parliament, a version of the declaration
was approved and on June 21, 1990, it was officially announced
as the "Uzbekistan Declaration of Sovereignty." In spite
of this success, the Uzbekistan regime refused to
recognize the Erk Party as an official
party. Erk was only registered on September 5, 1991, following
the 19 August 1991 coup attempt in Moscow.
In the year and one-half following
the Declaration of Sovereignty, the Erk Party grew rapidly and
was widely accepted among the people. Members of Birlik and other
political groups began to join Erk. In spite of attempts by the
Uzbekistan regime to block It, In December, 1991 the party was
able to officially nominate Muhammad Salih as its candidate for
the presidential election.
As the opposition had expected, the
presidential election was marred by the reglme's abuse, oppression
and fraud. The entire press and television media carried out
President Karimov's propaganda. In a forty-day campaign, only
15 minutes of television time was given to Muhammad Salih, and
of this portions were censored. President Karlmov used all the
financial means of the state to spread propaganda, while his rival
Muhammad Salih was given no opportunities whatsoever. Rallies
organized by the Erk Party were sabotaged by the state. The election
commissions were totally controlled by the state. During the
supervised voting process, falsified ballots were stuffed Into
ballot boxes and some ballots were counted repeatedly. Despite
all this deception, the first election result announcement by
Uzbekistan Radio stated that Muhammad Sailh had received 31 %
of the votes. Only an hour later the radio announced, "the
Initial broadcast was a mistake, Muhammad Salih received only
12.6% of the vote." The result of this falslflcation-riddled
election campaign was that Karlmov had himself reelected president,
The actual results of the election,
which were not made public, showed that a powerful opposition
existed to the Karimov regime. The communist president Karlmov
became determined to destroy this opposition.
18 days after the presidential election,
on January 1 6, 1992, the regime showed Its true face at a demonstration
organized by the opposition and the students of Tashkent State
University. Security forces fired on the protesters and killed
two students. Immediately after this incident, the government
carried out represssive actions against provincial organizations
of the Erk Party and had many party activists fired from their
jobs and Imprisoned. By May, 1992, five regional newspapers of
the Erk Party had been shut down.
On March 23, 1992, under the leadership
of the Erk Party, a meeting of opposition representatives under
the name "Uzbekistan Democratic Forum" was held in an
attic. 15 independent parliament members took part In this forum.
Fearing these developments, Karimov In April Invited Muhammad
Salih to the
presidential palace to personally
tell him to give up the Idea of participating In this organization.
In May, Karlmov again called Muhammad Sailh to the presidential
palace and offered him the position of Deputy Prime Minister.
Karimov said that he would also give governmental positions to
eight other Erk leaders. The president did all this because he
wanted to prevent the development of the Democratic Forum movement.
When Muhammad Sallh and the Erk Party leadership rejected these
offers, the regime's attacks on Erk became even more severe.
On July 2, 1992, Muhammad Salih resigned from the parliament In
protest of these repressive actions.
In August, 1 992, Erk Party
Secretary Prof. Dr. Atanazar Arlpov was arrested on the ridiculous
charge of "attempting to organize a coup against the government."
In December, publication of the Erk Party newspaper was banned.
All of these actions steadily forced the Erk Party to go underground.
In 1993 the government's repressive
actions reached a new height. On April 6, 1993, Muhammad Sallh,
chairman of the Erk Party, was arrested and charged with being
the "leader of a revolutionary committee." However,
because of strong international reaction he was released on April
9. By this time It was no longer possible for Salih to remain
in Uzbekistan as the leader of Its opposition party, and he left
the country in mid-April. The Karimov regime was resolute In
Its decision to eliminate the opposition which the Erk Party symbolized.
Erk Party parliament members inamjan Tursunov, Jahangir Muhammad,
Imam Fayzlyev, Samandar Qoqanov, Nasrulta Saidov, and Murad Jorayev
were thrown out of the parliament and their parliamentary powers
revoked. Court proceedings based on fantastic accusations were
Initiated against Erk Party Secretary Atanazar Aripov, Erk Party
Executive Committee member Salavat Umrzaqov, Erk Newspaper Chief
Editor Ibrahim Haqqul, and writer Nazar Eshanqul. Each was sentenced
to 3 years in prison.
Karimov wanted to take advantage
of Muhammad Salih's being out of the country, and he put together
a plan to remove Salih from the Erk party leadership, He collaborated
with academclan Shadi Karimov, a member of the Erk Party executive
council, who announced his candidacy for Erk Party chairman at
the September 25, 1993 Erk Party General Congress. However, the
delegates to the congress foiled this plot by chasing the puppet
candidate from the room and reelecting Muhammad Salih unanimously
as party chairman. Considering Karimov's dictatorial repression
and Muhammad Salih's absence from the country, It is evident that
the Erk Party is made up of strong and reliable cadres.
The Erk Party newspaper began
republishing In Moscow at the beginning of 1994. This caused
the regime to renew Its attacks. This time Karimov had Muhammad
Salih's home In Tashkent confiscated, and had Sallh's two sons
and one daughter taken to the border with Turkmenistan and confined
there. Sallh's younger brother, poet Maqsud Bekjan, was arrested.
6 Erk leaders and 3 Erk Party secretaries were arrested and accused
of planning the publication and distribution of the Erk newspaper.
Despite all of this repression
arid terror, the Erk Party today Is alive and well. Under such
conditions, it will not be possible for the Karimov regime to
remain In power much longer. Until the self-serving Karimov regime
falls, Muhammad Sallh and his colleagues will continue their work
with determination.