CHAPTER IIISOCIAL CONTEXT IN THE MEIJI ERA |
||||||||||||
|
The Reopening of Japan In the middle of the nineteenth century, the Western nations were actively expanding their markets and spheres of interest in the Far East. (1) Meanwhile, Japan, which had remained in self-imposed isolation for over two centuries, was ruled steadily, on the surface at least, by the Tokugawa government. However, towards the end of the Edo era (1603-1868) there was increasing discontent amongst the people. The opposing political group which supported another power, the Emperor craved for the modernisation of the country, and with it the lifting of the policy of seclusion.(2) Consequently, it can be said that Commodore Matthew C. Perry of the United States appeared in Edo, modern Tokyo, at the right time in 1853 requesting the country to be opened up.(3) This incident nonetheless had an enormous impact on the Japanese and is remembered as Kurofune Raiho (the Black Ships Visit) as four black American ships advanced towards the land with the roaring sound of cannons. During the ten-day stay of the ships, the Japanese in Edo were thrown into panic and were frightened by this unknown civilisation which obviously possessed far more advanced military power and wealth than they.(4) The Tokugawa government, which initially tried to reject Perryís forceful proposal, acquiesced to sign a commercial treaty the following year. Similar treaties were concluded with Britain, Russia, Holland, France, and later with Brazil, Italy, Spain, and Germany.(5) The power of the Tokugawa government had been significantly lessened after these events and it became a matter of course that the Emperor would be restored to power. This was finally realised in 1868 (the Meiji Restoration) and the Samurai class vanished from Japan. Being aware of Chinese diplomatic and territorial defeats, the fear of Western invasion precipitated Japan towards modernisation as a Western style society and a world military power. With regard to the changes which took place at the beginning of the Meiji era, Sir Rutherford Alcock6 noted in his article Reform in Japan in 1872: The Japanese are the only nation in the history of the world that has ever taken five centuries at a stride, and devoured in a decade all the space dividing feudalism and despotism from constitutional government and the other developments, commercial and municipal, of modern life. Two years later, he amended his comment in ìJapan as It was and Isî as; ìIt has been remarked that no other nation has ëever before taken five centuries at a boundí, but with equal truth ten centuries might have been the term. The Japanese government realised the importance of education in order to make any such progress in an aggressive transformation plan.(7) They chose to borrow the expertise of foreign countries and hired nearly 8,000 foreigners (8) called oyatoi (employees) from more than twenty-five nations in diverse areas to assist them to absorb modern technologies, ideologies, and culture.(9) As a result of these efforts, Japan had achieved the astonishing accomplishment of transforming itself from a country dependent on agriculture to one dependent on heavy industry. During the Meiji period, foreign trade was increasing rapidly: in 1868, total imports were 15,553,473 versus exports of 10,693,072; by 1912, they had grown respectively, to 526,981,842 (33 times) and 618,992,277 (57 times).(10) The major export items were silk, tea, copper and ceramics and the main import item was cotton. For about fifteen years after the signing of foreign trade treaties, Britain took the lead and engaged in 70 to 80 per cent of export and import trades with Japan. This trend, however, changed over time, with the United States and France moving up to the top of the list as for exports destinations, whereas Britain maintained its foremost position as an importer.(11) Yet, the foreign trade of Japan with Britain in 1909 amounted to approximately 24,000,000 sterling, or 29 per cent of British foreign trade.(12) These data testify that Japan was actively participating in the world economy. Until 1899, such trades were undertaken at the open ports designated by the Japanese government: Yokohama, Kobe, Nagasaki, Niigata, and Hakodate. During this time, foreigners were allowed to reside only in the settlements at these ports as well as in Tokyo and Osaka. Among these cities, Yokohama, formerly a small fishing village, played the most important role in terms of foreign trade and thus in the importation of Western culture. The number of foreign residents in Yokohama increased rapidly to over 3,000 by the end of the 1870s and to approximately 5,000 by the end of the century.(13) This means that Yokohama held more than the half of the entire foreign population in Japan at the time and became the New Dejima of the Meiji era. Numerous products aimed at export were sent to Yokohama from various production centres in Japan, and these were called Hamamono (Yokohama products). In the course of such dramatic modernisation, various institutions of Western origin were introduced into Japan. For example, the first railroad from Tokyo to Yokohama was opened in 1872, much European and American literature was translated, and a new coeducational schooling system started. In addition, there was a rapid transformation in peopleís life styles, chiefly in the urban societies: men cut their long hair which had traditionally been worn in a topknot; meat-eating habits started; Western clothing for men and women became more common. The peopleís desire to pursue the latest fad was often carried to extremes and their obsession with for all things Western reached a culmination in the 1880s, when the elaborate social dance hall, Rokumeikan, designed to entertain foreign officials and the Japanese upper-class was built in Tokyo.(14) Such superficial Westernisation provoked a conservative reaction urging the need to return to native Japanese values and traditions.(15) It can be said that Japanese modernisation had become more established after this period. The above is an overview of the rapid transformation of Meiji Japan. At this point, I should explain what was taking place in the traditional crafts market in Japan. The Meiji Restoration left a significant impact on all Japanese craftsmen: Samurai were relieved of official duty, swordsmiths and armour makers were redundant; lacquerers cherished by feudal lords lost their patrons; the Emperorís declaration of Shinto as the sole national religion placed Buddhist sculptors in severe difficulty. The people, having been blinded by the fanatical and exciting Westernisation, dismissed these artefacts; in other words, traditions respected for more than a thousand years in Japan were rejected by the Japanese themselves. In order to preserve such traditional art and also to enhance export trades, the Meiji government strongly encouraged the export of Japanese arts and crafts. It realised the importance of world exhibitions as the ideal showcase in which to promote Japanese products to the world, hence, made a great effort to explain the benefits of such participation to the people. This was done by starting regular domestic exhibitions and rewarding craftsmen for their skills, offering financial support to craftsmen, and preparing the desirable craft designs for exhibitions. In particular, the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibitions (1876) is known for the enormous investment made by the government: it even paid the travel expenses for all Japanese exhibitors who wished to attend with their objects. (16) Moreover, the first trading company, the Kiritsu Kosho Kaisha, was established in 1874 with a strong support from the government. (17) As a result, Japanese participation in world exhibitions rapidly increased, and, in fact, in the first twenty years of the Meiji era, Japan participated in nineteen exhibitions abroad.(18) Numerous craft designs, collectively called Onchi Zuroku (Onchi Illustrations), were prepared by the government and lent to participants in the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition (1876), the First Domestic Industrial Exposition in Tokyo (1877), the Exposition Universelle in Paris (1878), and the Second Domestic Industrial Exposition in Tokyo (1881).(19) These designs, of various categories, consisted of those prepared by governmental officers, who were appointed to examine Western artistic trends and incorporate them into Japanese export craft designs, and those made by private craftsmen and modified by such officers.(20) This governmental sector referred to numerous books as design sources, and, in fact, it was recently revealed that motifs of many Onchi designs were, partly or entirely, taken from then existing designs illustrated in other books issued in Japan and China.(21) In addition, besides oyatoi, some Western artists were invited to Japan by the Meiji government. Upon the decision to establish modern museums in Japan, the government sent officers to the West to research, and also invited the British designer, Christopher Dresser (22) to Japan in 1876. During his stay, he was asked to visit factories and workshops to give some advice on European taste to promote future trade with England. During his 98-day stay, the energetic Dresser met 75 makers of ceramics, metalwork, bamboo and basket works, lacquer furniture, textiles, embroideries, enamels, cloisonnÈ enamel, toys, and paper.(23) Japanese craft industry greatly benefited from him, and Dresser himself gained an insight into Japanese art and integrated elements into his own style. These episodes symbolise the state of the crafts industry in the early Meiji era very well: all the steps towards world exhibitions and export were prepared by the government, just like parents teaching their children how to speak. This situation gradually changed during the 1880s. The official sector appointed to examine Western fashion was dissolved and the preparation of Onchi illustrations ceased in 1885. Meiji craft exports, initiated by the government, increased significantly during the 1880s, and thus, the government gradually withdrew its involvement. The fact that the Third Domestic Industrial Exhibition held in 1890 in Tokyo declared that it would accept only those crafts of an original design, testifies to the clear change in the governmentís attitude.(24) After this initial stage, the export of Japanese crafts was developed considerably by private entrepreneurs. Western Style Furniture Produced in Japan for Domestic Use The atmosphere of workshops manufacturing Western style furniture in the early Meiji is well illustrated in the wood block print made in 1880 (Fig. 13), where men dressed in kimonos with a traditional topknot hold conventional Japanese carpentry tools to produce balloon back chairs and writing desks. An interesting fact is that most craftsmen who engaged in this new business were not traditional furniture makers: they were those who had lost jobs during the dramatic social changes. One reason why traditional furniture producers did not deal with Western style furniture lies in the fundamental difference between Japanese and Western furniture. Whilst the former is basically shaped in straight contours to be fitted into module system architecture, the latter is more three-dimensional and often rounded in shape, and thus different manufacturing techniques were required. Another reason is that there was still enough demand for traditional Japanese furniture at that time, therefore they did not have to change their business.(25) Although the Japanese were quick to adapt to the majority of Western manners, ordinary peopleís homes during the Meiji era remained more or less the same as these of the Edo era. Among the upper-middle class, it became a status symbol to add Western rooms to their houses to receive guests, but, even so, few of them dared to reside in the Western wings instead of their Japanese wings.(26) It is recorded, for example, that an average household of around 1900 consisted of only a few items of traditional furniture, typically a large chest of drawers (tansu), a smaller chest and a mirror stand (Fig. 14).(27) The Japanese maintained a floor-sitting culture which did not utilise a bed, a chair, or any tall furniture. It was in the next era, Taisho (1912-26), that the Western furniture started to penetrate into Japanese houses, although very slowly, and the adoption of chairs and beds on a large scale did not take place until well after the Second World War.(28) This phenomenon is quite peculiar to Japanese culture as most societies around the world evolved to a chair-using life style as they were modernised. The reason for this is not the concern of this paper, however it is important to recognise that this fact demonstrates the eccentric position of Western furniture in Japan, which found no place in ordinary peopleís homes. The main difference, besides the above mentioned dissimilarity in their contours, between Western and Japanese traditional furniture is their height. When one sits down on a floor, there is no need for raised furniture and everything is designed to be easily reachable from floor level. Consequently, no legs and stands are attached to cabinets, and those of tables are very short. The production of Western style furniture became active from the end of the 1880s. When the first piece was made is not certain, but it is generally believed to have been at the end of the Edo era, i.e. circa 1850. The Europeans and Americans who resided in the settlements after the opening of the country needed the furniture to equip their houses. Although furniture was brought from their own countries, due to high shipping costs, some of them started to order furniture from the Japanese, with specific details.(29) For instance, Henry Heusken (30) ordered from a carpenter in Edo, Magotao Matsumoto,(31) a chair after his sketch in around 1860. Neither the actual chair nor the sketch survive, nevertheless, a descendant of Matsumotoís circle claimed that it was of the decorative Rococo style.(32) In addition, it is also recorded that H. J. Gorman (33 )ordered wooden furniture from Hakoyasu, (34) and upholstered chairs from Baguyasu (35) in 1860. Baguyasu is regarded as a founder of the Yokohama furniture industry, which played a leading role during the Meiji era. Because Yokohama housed the largest foreign population in Japan, its furniture business targeted Western residences and travellers, as well as the Japanese companies dealing with such foreigners. The advanced position of Yokohama is testified by the fact that all the furniture in the Tsukiji Hotel, the first Western style hotel, built in 1868, was produced in Yokohama.(36) The second important centre for Western furniture was Shiba in Tokyo, where the greatest patron, the Meiji government, was located, and their products tended to be more luxurious than those of Yokohama. The industry in Shiba grew rapidly in accordance with the rise of wealth in the capital city, and towards the end of the Meiji era, a number of craftsmen and retailers in Yokohama moved to Shiba. The Western furniture produced in Japan for domestic use divides into two qualities, higher and utilitarian. The former was found in the houses of Western residents and rich Japanese, palaces, and hotels in Western styles, while the latter was used in public offices, schools, and some shops. From the late 1870s a number of governmental buildings and private mansions in Western style were erected by oyatoi architects and Japanese followers. Amongst them, an English architect, Josiah Conder, completed seventy-five buildings and is remembered as the father of Western architecture in Japan.(37) He was not an exceptionally innovative architect by Western standards, but he was flexible and eclectic. As a result, varied styles of architecture were introduced to Meiji Japan including Gothic, Renaissance, Baroque and Rococo. This reflected a series of historic revivals then prevalent in Europe, as well as the diverse nationalities of oyatoi. The Japanese, unfortunately, having not acquired enough knowledge about Western architectural and interior styles, ended up with a rather confusing output. Furniture for these buildings was usually designed by architects and ordered from Western furniture manufacturers in Japan.(38) Around 1900, Art Nouveau was introduced to Japan and some houses and furniture were produced under this influence. In Japan, the simpler Belgian Art Nouveau style represented by Victor Horta (39) and Henri Van de Velde (40) was preferred to the sinuous French Art Nouveau design. In addition to these styles adopted from the West, another new kind of interior emerged in Japan. As already mentioned, in the 1880s there was increasing reaction against the penetration of things Western. The fear of losing tradition, particularly profound amongst the ruling classes, resulted in the creation of a new style: it was a neutral blend of Western and Japanese design. The Meiji Palace, built in 1889, is a typical example of those buildings which curiously combined both Japanese and Western features.(41) The exterior was made completely in the traditional style, but the interior followed a Western manner, although the furniture was embellished with Japanese decoration such as lacquer and Japanese brocades (Fig. 15). Even though this was nothing but a creation out of compromise, this style became very popular and a prototype for governmental buildings, and, in fact, this hybridisation is closely related to that of export furniture examined in the following chapter in detail. Moving on to the other category of Western furniture produced in Japan, utilitarian furniture, the production of this variety started upon the governmentís decree of 1871 to introduce chairs into municipal offices. Two years later, the same action was taken for schools, although such furniture was very simple and humble. In addition, places such as barber shops and photographic studios utilised chairs from the early years. The use in the former was particularly popular at the time, partly due to the official order to cut the topknot off, and approximately 3,000 barber shops existed in Tokyo in 1871 (Fig. 16).(42) Lastly, the market for second-hand furniture in the Meiji era must not be ignored. The foreigners who resided in Japan commonly sold their furniture at auction upon their departure. The frequency of such sales increased towards the 1880s, and from the 1890s onwards they were held almost every day in Yokohama, as evidenced by the advertisements by the leading auctioneer, JNO. W. Hall, in The Japan Gazette (Fig. 17).(43) Their sales, which included all kinds of household goods from furniture and curtains to cutlery were actively participated in not only by second-hand shops but also by those trading in brand new Western style furniture and other merchants. Designs of such furniture varied greatly: Rococo, Neo-classical, Jacobean, Chippendale styles, and so on. This contributed enormously to the diffusion of knowledge about the construction and design of Western furniture among Japanese producers. In fact, some of the second-hand furniture sellers began to make Western furniture by themselves. Soon, it became possible for foreigners to arrive in Japan without any household goods carried from their countries because they could buy almost everything necessary in Japan. (44) It is known that the auctions were held in English, which reminds us just how cosmopolitan Yokohama was at that time.(45)
Japonisme(65) and the Aesthetic Movement (66) |
||||||||||||
|
||||||||||||